What’s happening in Kashmir? This is one significant question that needs to be buttonholed seriously before any restorative measures can be forced. Situation would certainly normalise after some time, but apparently ‘normal’ situation in case of Kashmir does not indicate anything meaningful. The vibrancy of ordinary life and the day-to-day routine followed for days and even months, takes only moments to spark. Underneath the normalcy, the upheaval is ever present and can occur at any point of time. Every ‘Sturm und Drang’ period however provides clues to the real issue, and one should show some willingness to hold on to these clues , if one really wants to see a turnaround in the afflictive scenes.
Firstly, though the crisis revolves around the stone-pelting youth, one can clearly point out that the real problem is not that of the stone-pelters. Neither the theory of LeT being responsible for it, nor the issue of money being paid to stone pelters, nor the vested interests making the most of the situation explains the crisis.
Though the situation has come to a stage where even the law and order situation has become effete, it is certainly not a law and order problem. It is not about few police stations in Kashmir, seven or thirteen whatever number is quoted, which is debatable. It is much more deep-rooted problem than that. Though lot is being said about the angry youth, for a generation which has grown in the situation of violence, the problem is not confined to the anger of the youth. Behind the youth in the streets, there is Kashmiri society, which is quietly involved in the whole situation. The very phenomenon of stone pelting has evoked all kinds of responses and there is an ongoing debate about the religious and moral basis of stone pelting. There are many who have reservations about the stone pelting. And despite this reservation, one can feel a general sense of empathy for the stone pelters. Explanations are provided and justifications are given and even those who do not appreciate the act, support the cause. All this reflects a widespread sense of alienation, going much beyond the anger of teenagers. It’s time for New Delhi to gather some willingness towards regaining the normalcy in Jammu & Kashmir if it really feels Jammu & Kashmir is an integral part of India.
Secondly, the present situation is not a sudden eruption. The situation has been brewing for quite some time and one could catch enough signals for that. And concerned people are barefacedly ignoring the situation and its repercussions. In fact, when one sees the present situation in the context of past few instances of unrest in Kashmir during last few years, one can not only see continuity but also a pattern. Sense of ire mixed with disillusionment and despair is reflecting in some or the other way. In the celebration of normalcy in Kashmir, one did not catch the symptoms in 2007 but if one goes back to that year, one can see small and big protests taking place in different parts of the Valley. These responses over varying issues, but mostly on the issue of Human Rights violations, reflected a sense of unease which came to be expressed in more explicit manner during the 2008 Amarnath land row. That the unease continued, despite the massive participation of people in 2008 Assembly elections, became clear in 2009 – a year squandered by the Shopian episode and the passions raised by it.
Before the present build up, the year 2010 had already witnessed the mass response in case of innocent killings and fake encounters.
Third, it is not difficult to see the where the anger is aimed at. It is aimed not against the paramilitary forces, who are facing the brunt of every thing. It is aimed against the Indian State. And though reflected by the anger in the streets, it is basically a feeling of despair. A visit by interlocutors to Valley will clearly reveal a shared sense of disillusionment with the Indian state. There is a complete trust deficit and no amounts of promises of zero toleration of violation of human rights or of quiet diplomacy or of initiation of dialogue are taken seriously. On the contrary, people talk of lack of sincerity of the Indian state about resolving conflict or the peace process. The visits of senior functionaries of government, including that of the Home Minister and even of the Prime Minister are taken at best in impertinent manner. The last visit of Prime Minister was seen more as creating inconvenience to citizens rather than creating a warm relation with the Kashmiris. No more there is trust in the capacity of the Central government in politically resolving the conflict. The euphoria of early years of millennium when the peace process was initiated and things were moving forward, is long over. No one believes in the peace process. The major concern therefore remains the Human Rights violations. And when there are repeated cases of killings of innocent people, the feeling of hopelessness gets converted into the feeling of acute anger.
Unfortunately, the tragic story doesn't conclude here. The restlessness of Kashmiris does not emanate only from the indifference of Delhi towards Kashmir and its utter insensitivity to the ground realities therein, but also from the direction of the movement, rather the lack of it. The separatist leadership, divided as it has been, has ceased to lead the people and is rather following them. It is the response of the people, spontaneous most of the time, which is giving relevance to the separatist leadership. It was the Amarnath agitation, or the Shopian episode, or the present day crisis, it is the streets of Kashmir which have given life to the separatist politics. It is not only the lack of the unity but also lack of imagination of the leadership which has made them static. Political willingness is called for. With the movement going adrift in the absence of the direction from above, there is a strong sense of apprehension in the Valley that if people do not assert their separatist sentiments in a forceful manner, they will be taken for granted and the ‘sacrifices’ of thousands of lives during the last two decades of the conflict will be wasted. That is the reason that it does not raise many brows in the valley that the burden of leading the movement is now borne by the teenagers.
Unfortunately, the movement is not only being defined through the ‘agency’ of teenagers, but also through their dead bodies. It reflects a very deep rooted crisis of the movement, especially of the leadership, but also of the political and civil society.
Author: Malhar Deshpande
